In 2017, Pennsylvania State Senator Sharif Street and State Representative Jason Dawkins introduced bills that would abolish prisons sentences of life without parole. State legislators nationwide are introducing similar bills. The issue isn’t limited to Pennsylvania. It’s a complicated nationwide issue that requires understanding of sentencing laws, political history, the Constitution, Supreme Court decisions, racial disparity, and multiple viewpoints.
What is Life-Without-Parole?
When
the court sentences an individual to life-without-parole (LWOP), it
means that person will spend the rest of their life in prison without
any ability to appeal the sentence. They will never get a chance to
leave. They will die in prison.
How Does an Offender Receive LWOP?
Each
state has its own laws, both criminal and civil, that all its cities,
towns, and districts follow. If an offender commits a crime in one
of its cities, towns, or districts, the court in that area, oversees
their arrest, conviction, and incarceration. The state legislature
establishes the laws and determines the rules and procedures that
every jurisdiction follows. While each district and town may have
its own set of rules and procedures, it nonetheless adheres to and
follows the state’s laws.
State
legislators set forth sentencing guidelines for certain crimes. When
an offender agrees to plead guilty or if the jury or judge finds them
guilty of a that crime, the judge must follow those guidelines when
imposing the sentence. The guidelines usually allow the judge to
consider factors such as the offender’s age and criminal
background. Oftentimes, probation or parole officers and sometimes
even independent agencies prepare presentencing reports that
investigate the offender’s background and other extenuating
circumstances. In many cases, there is a sentencing hearing, even
when an offender pleads guilty, and individuals who wish to speak on
either the victim’s or offender’s behalf can do so freely. Even
the offender is allowed to speak and the judge gets to observe their
demeanor and consider whether they regret their crime. In other
words, judges have discretion and some leeway when imposing
sentences.
Mandatory
sentences, on the other hand, are those in which the judge must
impose regardless of any extenuating circumstances. There’s no
presentence report, no presentencing hearing, nothing to consider,
and no leeway. The judge must impose the legislated sentence.
States
usually impose LWOPs for habitual criminal behavior or as punishment
for a serious offense, usually a capital murder, which is one that
immediately subjects the offender to the death penalty. Capital
murder typically involves a child, a police officer, or multiple
victims. It can also include felony murder, which
is an unintended killing that takes place during an intentional
crime. For example, three people rob a bank. One robber shoots and
kills a police officer. The state will charge the shooter with
murder and the other two robbers with felony murder.
Rise of the LWOP
When
Vice President George H.W. Bush ran for president against
Massachusetts’ Governor Michael Dukakis in 1988, his supporters
funded an ad, now renowned as the “Willie Horton Ad,” which
focused on a convicted murderer who raped a woman and stabbed her
partner after escaping prison while on a state sponsored prison
furlough program. Massachusetts lawmakers later prohibited such
programs and instead began more heavily implementing LWOP. Other
states followed.
In
1994, President Bill Clinton signed the Violent Crime Control and Law
Enforcement Act. Among other things, it established the “three
strikes” rule, which imposed mandatory LWOP for federal offenders
with three or more convictions for serious violent felonies or drug
trafficking crimes. The bill also granted billions to states that
passed “truth-in-sentencing” laws, which required inmates to
serve at least eighty-five percent of their sentences.
The “Willie Horton” Ad
Since
elections in this nation began, candidates have vowed to get tougher
on crime and criminals. Conservative and right-wing leaning
individuals generally prefer harsh prison terms and their
administrations typically focus on such policies. The public overall
favors harsh prison sentences for serious criminals. such as those
who commit rape, assault, and serial murder. That harsh offenders can
earn good behavior credits and eventually qualify for parole even
when sentenced to “life,” can frustrate certain people,
regardless of their political predisposition.
Violent
crimes and drug abuse rates increased in the 1980s and even juveniles
began committing more brutal crimes. The public fell for the ad’s
scheme. At certain moments during the 1988 presidential election,
Governor Dukakis was ahead of Vice President Bush. Some claim by
even seventeen points. That all changed after the “Willie Horton
Ad” and many experts credit it for his ultimate landslide election.
The
“Willie Horton” ad, even by today’s standards, is one of the
most racially antagonistic political ads, as it so obviously promotes
white fear of African Americans. (Ann Coulter calls it “Bush’s
finest 30 seconds” and Trump, for his re-election is seeking an ad
with similar effect). While President George H.W. Bush claimed he
had nothing to do with the ad and that his PAC backed it, he
nonetheless ran a “revolving door” ad that still played upon
racial stereotypes.
The “Three Strikes” Rule
While
the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act that Bill Clinton
signed applied only to federal crimes, it encouraged states to pass
their own mandatory “three strike” laws and impose LWOP. Those
state rules eventually saw individuals serving life sentences for
crimes such as shoplifting, simple assault, or other violations that
would normally result in minimal sentences or even probation.
LWOP Statistics and Racial Disparity
Racial
disparity in state and federal sentencing exists even with standard
sentencing. African American male sentences are nearly twenty
percent longer than white male sentences for similar offenses and
African Americans and Latinos offenders face higher incarceration
rates and are sentenced to much longer sentences than similarly
situated white offenders. Simply recall Brock Turner’s six-month
sentence for sexually assaulting an unconscious woman. Turner
actually served only three-months.
The
disparity grows deeper regarding LWOP. There are more African
Americans serving LWOP than those serving parole eligible life
sentences. According to the Sentencing Project, as of 2012, out of
the 159,520 people serving life sentences, 49,081 were serving LWOP
(thirty-five percent). Such represented an 11.8% rise since 2008.
According
to the National Center for Youth Law, in 2006, there were more than
2,000 offenders serving LWOP for crimes they committed while they
were under eighteen years of age. About twenty-six percent of
juveniles are sentenced to LWOP for felony murder and fifty-nine
percent of juveniles receive LWOP for first-time offenses. At the
time, courts nationwide sentenced African American juveniles to LWOP
ten times more than white juveniles. In California alone, of the 180
inmates sentenced to LWOP for crimes they committed before they were
age eighteen, 158 were African American.
In twenty-six states, anyone convicted of first-degree murder is sentenced to LWOP, even a juvenile. In Pennsylvania, anyone convicted of first or second-degree murder is automatically sentenced to LWOP, including juveniles.
Pennsylvania has the most inmates serving LWOP for crimes they committed as juveniles than any other state (more than 450)
As noted earlier, each state is sovereign and establishes its own laws.
Recent
Legal Decisions
If an individual wants to appeal their matter, they must first go through the state courts. Then, once they’ve exhausted all their state appeals, they can seek remedy through the federal courts, provided Constitutional laws apply. As the Constitution is the nation’s supreme law, all states must comply.
The
United State Supreme Court decision in Miller
v. Alabama 567
U.S. 460 (2012) held that
mandatory LWOP imposed on juvenile defendants violated the
Constitution’s Eighth Amendment’s protection against cruel and
unusual punishment. It consolidated two similar matters: the title
case and Jackson v. Hobbs, an Arkansas case, involving
two individuals who committed crimes when they were fourteen years
old. Evan Miller and a friend smoked marijuana and drank alcohol
with a neighbor. They then robbed and beat the neighbor with a
baseball bat and set fire to his trailer to destroy evidence. The
neighbor died as a result of the fire and his injures. Alabama tried
Miller as an adult and when a jury found him guilty, the court
enforced a mandatory LWOP.
Kuntrell
Jackson was also fourteen years old when he and two other teenagers
robbed a video store. Jackson initially remained outside but entered
shortly before one of his friends shot and killed the store clerk.
Arkansas charged Jackson as an adult with capital felony and imposed
a mandated LWOP.
Justice
Elena Kagan, who wrote the Supreme Court decision noted, “mandatory
life without parole for a juvenile precludes consideration of his
chronological age, immaturity, impetuosity, and failure to
appreciate risks and consequences…it prevents taking into account
the family and home environment that surrounds him…and from which
he extricates himself…no matter how brutal or dysfunctional.”
The decision, however, failed to ban all juvenile, homicide LWOP and
that the system must differentiate between momentary immaturity and
uncommon “irreparable corruption.”
Four
years later, in Montgomery v. Louisiana, 577
U.S. __ (2016), the United States Supreme Court considered
whether Miller must be applied retroactively. When Henry
Montgomery was seventeen, a truant officer caught him. When the
officer frisked him, he shot and killed the officer. After his
initial trial, the court sentenced him to death, but he was retried
because “public prejudice had prevented a fair trial.” His
second trial resulted in a LWOP, which did not allow a sentencing
phase or the opportunity to introduce mitigating evidence. Justice
Kennedy, who wrote the decision, determined that the Constitution
required retroactive application of Miller’s prohibition and
mandatory LWOP sentences for juveniles violated the Eighth Amendment.
While he did not oppose LWOP for juveniles, he said that the require
individualized sentencing and determined that all states must either
re-sentence offenders given LWOP as minors or offer them parole.
Montgomery is expected to impact up to 2,300 cases nationwide.
Back
to Pennsylvania
Senator
Street’s bill (SB942) would allow an individual who received LWOP
to become eligible for parole after serving fifteen years. One of
his goals is to end LWOP, specifically for juveniles convicted under
felony murder laws (Pennsylvania prisons house over 500 such
inmates). He is also concerned about another category of murderers,
the kind of which would normally be eligible for parole due to
extenuating circumstances (e.g. a battered wife who kills her abusive
husband out of self-defense), but received mandatory LWOP. His bill
does not create a right to parole, so it does not set free the most
dangerous inmates. The Pennsylvania Board of Probation and Parole
would retain the power the review parole eligibility.
Senator
Street also pointed out that it costs about $42,000 per year just to
house a prisoner and that the state spends about $33 million a year
just to maintain those serving LWOP felony murders. So, as prisoners
age and their medical needs increase, the average per year cost will
to about
$70,000
to $80,000 a year. Considering that that LWOP inmates are the least
likely to recidivate, instituting parole for them offers tremendous
taxpayer savings.
Representative
Dawkins’ bill (HB135) would is extremely similar and would also
abolish LWOP in Pennsylvania
Two
Sides to Every Story: LWOP as a Death Penalty Alternative
The
death penalty has always been a contentious subject with people
holding extreme views on either side. Many who morally oppose the
death penalty consider LWOP a preferable choice. They believe it
avoids the risk of executing innocent people.
A
California coalition of wrongfully convicted individuals, law
enforcement officials, and surviving members of murder victims twice
attempted to convince voters to repeal the death penalty and replace
it with LWOP. Members felt the state’s death penalty system was
“costly and broken” and twice, in 2012 and 2016, launched a SAFE
(“Savings, Accountability, and Full Enforcement”) voter act to
ensure no innocent person was ever executed. Both times, voters
defeated the act, believing the death penalty should continue for the
most heinous killers.
Death
row inmates opposed the measure. LWOP eliminated their rights to
appeal their sentences, which instantly deprived them of hope. One
death row inmate wrote an op-ed and said that he’d rather be
executed than have his rights to appeal taken away.
Two
Sides to Every Story: Survivors of Victims Support LWOP
Some
families of murder victims like LWOP. For them, it forever imprisons
the criminal who killed their loved one and eliminates the decades
long appeals process that usually accompanies death sentences. In
some cases, district attorneys agree to plea bargains, with victim’
families support, that allow offenders to plead guilty to crimes with
LWOP and avoid death penalties.
Two
Sides to Every Story: The Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement
Act
History
has not been kind to Bill Clinton or anyone else who supported the
Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act, especially because of
the racial disparities caused by the sentencing reforms,
“three-strikes” rule, and racial issues during its enactment.
Hillary Clinton suffered, too, for her use of the term “super
predator.”
The
act, however, deserves a second look. It also provided:
funding
for programs to address crime prevention
funding
for drug treatment
funding
for education and jobs
grants
to combat violence against women; fund state efforts to arrest and
prosecute those who victimize women, offer rape prevention,
counseling services, and the arrest of offenders in domestic
violence cases.
grants
to make improvements to transit systems with surveillance lines and
emergency phone systems
funding
for handgun requirements to enable states to identify ineligible
firearms purchasers and conduct interstate background checks on
individuals who worked with children
grants
develop or improve the capability to analyze DNA in a forensic
laboratory.
funding
for rape crisis centers
funding
to reduce the sexual abuse of runaway, homeless, and street youth
The
media, politicians, and many others have asked everyone associated
with this act, including Vice President Joe Biden, to apologize for
this act.
The
act, as all things, was part of its time. This doesn’t excuse its
impact or mean that the problem shouldn’t be resolved. It means,
as with all things, it should be considered individually, applying
all extenuating circumstances. It took the Supreme Court nearly
thirty years to figure that out.
One
Other Case to Consider
Right
now, society and opinion seem to be leaning toward abolishing LWOP
and offering parole to offenders the courts imposed such sentences,
especially those who committed crimes when they were juveniles. One
case may cause some to pause, even if just for a moment.
Lee
Boyd Malvo, better known as the D.C. or Beltway Sniper, was seventeen
years old when he John Allen Muhammad shot and killed ten people and
seriously wounded three others during the weeks between September 5,
2002 and October 22, 2002, in what Virginia officials called “one
of the most notorious strings of terrorist acts in modern American
history.” Muhammad received the death penalty for his crimes and
died by lethal injection in 2009. Malvo pled guilty and received
LWOP.
Malvo
appealed his case to the United States Supreme Court and, under
Miller, claims his sentence deserves review. The Supreme
Court agreed and, in March 2019, agreed to hear his case in its
upcoming October session.
The
Danger of Broad-Based Solutions to Problems
Malvo
demonstrates, as history constantly teaches, that there is usually
never one solution to a certain problem. What’s popular during the
moment leads society to discuss resolutions. Those resolutions,
however, have far-reaching consequences, which we cannot see or
predict. And, what we think is important at the time, may be
inconsequential later.
If even just a tiny percentage of released LWOP inmates go on to commit violent crimes, some will no doubt consider offering them parole a mistake and we will be right back on the opposite side. History’s pendulum usually always swings back the other way.
Election
night 2016 wasn’t all that disastrous. Californians overwhelmingly elected
Kamala Harris to the senate. Her win was historical and monumental. She is the
second woman of color voters elected to the Senate (Illinois’ Carol Moseley
Braun was the first) leading by over sixty percent.
Roughly,
three years later, in January 2019, she announced her presidential campaign. About
20,000 Californians cheered Kamala Harris on as she emphasized the current
political discord and feelings that the United States’ position in the world
was at its lowest point. She borrowed from Abraham Lincoln saying “I’m running
to be a president of the people, by the people, for all the people.”
So, who is Ms. Harris and for what does she stand? Let’s look at her background and career thus far.
Family and Early Life
Ms.
Kamala Harris, whose name originates from the Sanskrit word for lotus flower,
was born in 1964, to parents who
emigrated to the United States. Her father, who is from Jamaica, taught
economics at Stanford University. Her mother, an Indian diplomat, researched
breast cancer.
After
her parents divorced, her mother took her and her sister to Montreal, Canada. Kamala
returned to the states after graduating high school to attend Howard
University, where she majored in economics and political science. Upon earning
her bachelor’s degree in 1986, she went to the University of California,
Hastings College of Law, and earned her Juris Doctor. She failed the California
Bar exam upon her first attempt citing it her “most half-assed performance.”
In
2014, Ms. Harris married attorney Douglas Emhoff.
Public Service Life
Ms.
Harris entered public service right away. She first worked as a deputy district
attorney in Alameda County, California. She then joined the San Francisco
district attorney’s office as Chief of the Community and Neighborhood Division,
where she managed civil code enforcement matters.
In
2003, she beat two-term incumbent Terence Hallinan to become San Francisco’s
District Attorney. She formed a unit to focus on hate crimes against LGBT
children and teens and assembled a national conference to discuss
gay-transgender hate crimes. She also prosecuted drug traffickers and attained
a $20 billion settlement for homeowners facing foreclosure.
In
November 2008, Ms. Harris became the first female, Indian-American,
Jamaican-American to become California’s Attorney General. In 2014, voters
re-elected her. She helped defeat Proposition 8 (which opposed gay marriage)
and supported marriage equality nationwide. Her office’s investigations into
pipeline oil spills resulted in numerous indictments and further probes into
potential price fixing schemes. She began the Bureau of Children’s Justice to
focus on foster care, truancy, childhood trauma, and juvenile justice.
In
2015, Senator Barbara Boxer announced her retirement following twenty-four
years of service. Ms. Harris decided to run for the seat. From the start, Ms.
Harris remained a frontrunner, catching the endorsements of Governor Jerry
Brown, Vice President Joe Biden, and President Barack Obama.
Service as Senator and Achievements
Since
her election to the senate, Ms. Harris supported democratic causes and
continued to counter Donald Trump’s decisions, policies, and appointments
Immediately
following her election, she vowed to protect immigrants from Donald Trump’s
policies. At a January 2018 hearing, she grilled Homeland Security Secretary
Kirstjen Nielsen for preferring Norwegian immigrants and alleging to not know
that Norwegians were mostly Caucasian.
Ms. Harris supports single payer
healthcare and opposes attempts to weaken healthcare protections for those with
pre-existing conditions. She supports Senator Bernie Sanders’ “Medicare for
All” bill and has insisted that repealing the Affordable Care Act would declare
health care a “privilege” instead of a “civil right.” She was one of ten
senators to sponsor the Choose Medicare Act, a public option for health
insurance that additionally increased ObamaCare subsidies and granted
eligibility to higher income individuals.
In August 2018, she co-signed a letter
to the Federal Emergency Management Agency alleging that it was not helping
Puerto Rican homeowners displaced by Hurricane Maria.
She co-sponsored the Climate Risk
Disclosure Act, which sought to speed the transition to cleaner energy without
increasing taxes. She also supports
Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez’s Green New Deal.
While Ms. Harris did not initially
support the legalization of recreational marijuana, she co-sponsored Senator
Cory Booker’s Marijuana Justice Act, which would remove marijuana’s
classification as a controlled substance and require federal courts to expunge
prior marijuana possession and use convictions.
Ms. Harris opposes the death penalty,
but states that she would consider each case individually. She prefers life
imprisonment without the possibility of parole and thinks such is also more
cost-effective. She supports middle class tax cuts raising the minimum wage to
fifteen dollars an hour; cash bail reformation, and tuition-free college
education.
She supports a woman’s right to
choose, so Planned Parenthood Action Fund has consistently given her a 100%
rating. She supports gun control and says that thoughts and prayers are
inadequate solutions to shootings. The National Rifle Association has thus,
given her an “F” rating.
She believes there is a direct
relationship between habitual truancy in elementary school and later criminal
history and has, thus, called for deeming such truancy a parental crime.
Presidential Campaign
When
Ms. Harris announced her presidential campaign, she vowed to defend against
cybersecurity threats and to safeguard elections. She reaffirmed her commitment to immigrants stating
her desires of an America that welcomes
refugees and offers a path to citizenship.
Kamala
has also stated that she will not accept donations from Political Action
Committees (PACs).
Potential Issues
In
this article, when required and appropriate, Ms. Harris is described as a
“woman of color” and “black.” Such was done out of respect to her wishes. It
also relates to recent articles that concern whether she is “black enough to
represent African-Americans in the White House.” These articles simple state that “critics”
and social memes have asked about her ethnic background, her history of
incarcerating minorities, and her marriage to a Caucasian. The matter most
likely stemmed from Tariq Nasheed’s January 24, 2019 tweet in which he notes
that Ms. Harris has no ancestral connection to native black Americans and asks
how her presidential run benefit native black Americans (Mr. Nasheed is a film
producer and media personality).
In
February 2019, Ms. Harris appeared on The Breakfast Club, a hip-hop, morning
radio program in New York City, and addressed these matters. She said, “I’m
black and I’m proud of being black. I was born black. I will die black, and I’m
not going to make excuses for anybody because they don’t understand.” When a
host asked her about a meme that claimed she was not African-American, she
explained that she was born in Oakland and lived in the United States and
Canada.
The
hosts also asked if she had “hurt black people” as a prosecutor and if she
regretted any decisions, relating to a meme of her laughing about a program
that prosecuted underprivileged parents of truant children). While she
acknowledged systemic racism, she highlighted her re-entry and recidivism
programs and efforts to reform the bail system. She further claimed that some
would simply reject her just because she was a prosecutor and noted that she
married for love.
In
July 2017, the New York Post noted that Ms. Harris met with several of Hillary
Clinton’s biggest financial backers in the Hamptons. Some of her donors include
Allergan, Bank of America, and the Hospital Corporation of America, all of whom
are large corporations.
When
Ms. Harris was a prosecutor, she handled some controversial matters, including
the shooting of a police officer. She did not seek the death penalty, as she
vowed never to do so. Such infuriated
and defied the police department.
Overall
Ms.
Harris has an extremely good reputation as a public servant, is determined, and
is certainly qualified to run the country. You could examine every decision she
made in her current and prior positions and find problems with everything, if
you wanted. While she has corporate donors, such hasn’t yet caused a problem. She’s
very nice and determined, as well.
Her one major problem could be her corporate donors. Such
could turn off progressives and liken her too much to Hillary Clinton.
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